Racial Profiling by the Police Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Racial Profiling by the Police - Research Paper Example Everyone must have experienced profiling at least once in his/her life, but primarily persons are targeted. Such profiling is exercised by people in authority including school administrators, security personnel, criminal justice and law enforcement agencies. Police profiling is a type of racism carried out by the police officials against the offender. It has been seen that this problem has been prevalent in even the most developed parts of the world and it becomes the main reason of discrimination against the civilians. The police department is considered to be one of the most influential departments in all the countries and, hence, racial profiling by this department can lead to many problems within the infrastructure of the country. Recently, the congressman Keith Ellison picked a fight against the department by voicing his concerns for the Muslim Americans. Ellison stated: â€Å"Racial stereotyping is simply not good policing.. It threatens the values Americans hold dear†. He argued that he himself was a target of this discrimination and wanted the relevant authorities to take into notice the current problem going inside one of the most developed countries in the world (as cited in Diaz 2012). Racial profiling threatens our fundamental principles. Racial profiling by law enforcement agencies and the associated prosecution of people of colored skin is one such example. It targets people on artificial basis of color on matters of law enforcement, causing hindrances in policing efforts and making law enforcement agencies lose their credibility within the community which they have vowed to protect and serve. The police force is looked up to maintain fairness and justice in a society; the disgraceful exercise of racial profiling has caused people to fear the system. This unjust practice remains stain on democratic nations and an insult to the claims of racial equality. It is, however, imperative that the origins of racial profiling by the police force and criminal investigators are highlighted. In the 1950s, a high-profile officer at the Federal Bureau of Investigation, Howard Teten, introduced and popularized the mere notion of racial profiling by analyzing the attributes and traits of the criminal, his past records and the situation at the crime scene. This practice of profiling, even though stereotypical in nature, spilled over to the police force with time. Since September 11, 2001, racial profiling has grown and the Obama administration and FBI guidelines have been codified by these practices such as the dishonorable treatment of Muslims and Arabs as suspects, denying them equality of innocence and protection under law. What has been more disturbing is the federal government’s backing of record searches of immigrants, such as Latino and Mexican communities, by the local law enforcement agencies. Because any legal cure for racial discrimination by law enforcement presently necessitates specific evidence of committed to dis criminate, it is exceedingly problematic, if not impossible, for single sufferers to voice

The Schlesinger Polls and the Reasons behind the Change Essay Example for Free

The Schlesinger Polls and the Reasons behind the Change Essay Americans love to take polls. They rank everything from Hollywood scandals to insects, and they often reflect the state of mind of the American people at the time of the ranking. This propensity for opinion polls has been carried over to the equally American love of criticizing the government and the people in it, especially Presidents. One only has to turn on the television to watch spoofs about George W. Bush to get an idea of this. Presidential ranking was begun by historian Arthur Schlesinger whom in 1948 polled 55 scholars. He took a second poll in 1962 in which 34th president Dwight D. Eisenhower placed 22nd, a little over year after his second term of president. What is interesting to note that when son Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. , following in his father’s footsteps took another poll in 1996, Eisenhower placed 10th. Prior to this 1996 poll, other polls showed a similar tendency to elevate Eisenhower in the presidential rankings, with 2000 C-SPAN Poll placing him at ninth place. (Watson and Berger) This paper will provide some insights into the possible reasons for these shifts in opinions in the case of Eisenhower from a historical perspective. I. Brief background on Eisenhower Dwight David Eisenhower, popularly referred to as â€Å"Ike† was born in Texas in 1890, the 3rd of seven boys. He was brought up in Abilene Kansas and was a West Point graduate who became stationed in Texas as a second lieutenant where he met and married Mamie Geneva Doud. (â€Å"Dwight D. Eisenhower†) Ike was an excellent staff man, rapidly rising in the Army ranks under generals such as John J. Pershing, Douglas MacArthur, and Walter Krueger. His performance as supreme commander over the NATO forces in 1951 led to his nomination as Republic presidential candidate, with the slogan â€Å"I like Ike† leading him to the White House. (â€Å"Dwight D. Eisenhower†) A successful soldier and military leader, Ike nevertheless negotiated for peace whenever possible. The Cold War was escalating but he negotiated for better relations with the Soviet Union from a position of military strength, an effort undermined by the death of Stalin in 1953. In the same year, Ike signed a truce which rough armed peace in South Korea. In further efforts to conciliate with the Soviets, Ike invited Nikita Khrushchev to the Presidents Camp David retreat in Marylands Catoctin Mountains to discuss Khrushchev’s demands for Western allies to get out of Berlin. Kruschchev did agree to lift his ultimatum, which positive response was cut short in 1960 when the Russians shot down an American U-2 spy plane. (â€Å"Eisenhower: soldier of peace†) It led to public humiliation for Ike, but it emphasized his desire to maintain world peace. He developed his â€Å"atoms for peace† program which was designed to develop uranium for peaceful uses. He also urged conservative military spending, pushing for enough military strength to ensure national security while monitoring potentially dangerous military spending policies. (â€Å"Dwight D. Eisenhower†) It was during his second term that he issue orders to desegregate schools, a significant landmark in the civil rights movement, which was also carried out in the Armed Forces. He declared that There must be no second class citizens in this country. Ike was chronically ill, but he was a vigorous man and when he finally succumbed on March 28, 1969, he was almost 80 years old. (â€Å"Dwight D. Eisenhower†) His popularity was such that he could have run for a third term if he wanted two and if the 22nd Amendment prevented him from doing so. (â€Å"Eisenhower: Soldier of Peace†) II. Criticisms Despite his popularity during his two terms, Ike was constantly being criticized by political analysts for his â€Å"middle-ground† stance and was characterized as a â€Å"caretaker† president who did not really get much done. (Watson and Berger) In fact, in the 1970s Ike’s presidency characterized as the Eisenhower doll: â€Å"You wind it up and it does nothing for eight years. † With the myopia of near history, many believed that Ike concentrated on keeping the status quo in military, social and economic issues. Of particular damage was his handling of Senator Joseph McCarthy, who was condemned for his extreme anti-communist views and what is termed a â€Å"witch hunt† for Soviet spies within the government. (Ansary) â€Å"â€Å"I am convinced that the way for me to defeat Senator McCarthy is to ignore him,† Eisenhower noted in a personal memo in April 1953. † (â€Å"Eisenhower: soldier of peace†) He was seen uninvolved and ineffective in the day-to-day running of the country. He often delegated such decisions to his aides and advisors and was widely considered to spend most of his days in pleasurable pursuits such as golf, social functions and vacations. Politically, he was aloof and he made no secret of the fact that he disliked politics and politicians, and made many decisions which made him politically vulnerable. He once said that the â€Å"only thing successful politicians had in common was that they married above themselves. † (qtd. in Madonna and Young) The 1961 Time Magazine article â€Å"The Debits† enumerated some of the specific issues. Ike was said to have been unable to implement a workable farm program, resulting in an annual $9 billion cost of price supports and food storage, from the $1. 5 billion at the end of Harry Truman’s term. The tax policies were also criticized because Ike showed no interest in reforming outdated, piecemeal tax laws, preferring to concentrate on balancing the federal budget and reducing debt. His failure to promote the rule of law in his foreign policy and practical politics that would make him politically viable was also attacked. It is suggested that such criticisms stemmed from Ike’s belief that in his dual role as head of state (which unifies and symbolizes the nation) and head of government (political decision maker), the former should be prominent while the latter should be hidden, a governing style now referred to as the hidden hand presidency. (Madonna and Young) It also explained why in 1962, Ike ranked 22nd of 35 presidents despite his apparent popularity and military hero status. III. Discussion The upward revision on Ike’s poll ranking may well be due to what is referred to as â€Å"hindsight. † Many of his policies made little sense to his contemporaries and the public during his two terms. However, later events proved that Ike was a man who was more than he appeared to be, and that his policies had a sound basis. Ike was first and foremost a military man. He realized from his campaigns that military preparedness was crucial to a nation’s security, and took great pains to ensure that the state of military strength during his presidency was adequate. However, he was also a staff man, so he was aware of the potential dangers associated with unbridled military spending and took steps to ensure that there was balance between necessity and spending. His knowledge of war would also account for his efforts to avoid it breaking out as much as possible. As a soldier and campaign strategist, Ike had to deal with the casualties and collateral damages of war, and sought â€Å"peace with justice† (â€Å"The Debits†). He was unable to prevent the Cold War from escalating or the Cuban missile crisis that bore fruition in Kennedy’s term with such disastrous results, but he never stopped trying, an attitude which recent anti-war sentiment fully supports. Because he was a soldier, Ike probably loathed admitting physical weakness, but later accounts both from his personal memoirs and from other sources revealed that Ike suffered from several, severe health crises associated with gastrointestinal problems and heart disease. It was little known at the time, but Ike’s health gave him a lot of trouble, and he was said to have suffered anywhere up to 7 cardiac episodes. However, because this was not widely known at the time, his recuperative periods were misinterpreted by his critics as part and parcel of his â€Å"caretaker† governing policy. In particular, his 12-day stay in the presidential retreat in Key West from December 28, 1955 to January 8, 1956 was illustrative of how circumstances could be grossly misleading. Far from being on a repairing lease, Ike’s visitors and schedule showed how hard we worked even when he was supposed to be resting. (Madonna and Young; Watson and Berger) It was this as well as other documentary evidence that was later revealed which showed how much more deeply Ike’s â€Å"hidden hand† was in the various pies in political decision making and policy formulation, although his aim was to provide general policy guidelines than specific policies. Scholars now concede that Ike had a good grasp of most situations and made sound decisions that allowed him to keep his options open and yet enabled him to act decisively when necessary. (Madonna and Young) It is well to consider as well that of the presidents three had great military reputations in actual war prior to ascending to the presidency and subsequently consistently ranked high in the polls. These were Washington, Jackson and Theodore Roosevelt. A fourth was Eisenhower, whose 1962 below average ranking was revised in later polls. This would seem to indicate that those who were great military prowess were likely to become good presidents when they are elected into office. While their styles of governing are widely divergent, they were all practical and sensible decision makers in times of crisis. (Schlesinger) In Ike’s case, he chose to be relatively low profile in such decisions. John Dean in his 2001 article â€Å"Ranking presidents – utter nonsense or useful analysis? † points out that polls such as the ones undertaken by the Schlesingers were without any consistent basis for the criteria used by the surveyed scholars. Even with efforts to benchmark the results, the results remain largely subjective and vague, making it difficult to provide comparisons within the polls as well as between polls. The fact that it was a survey of scholars it was by no means a reflection of the general public’s opinion of Ike’s presidency. In fact, Ike was very popular when he left office and retained the admiration of the public as a man of integrity, strength and modesty. (â€Å"Dwight David Eisenhower†) However, in the case of Dwight Eisenhower, existing documents and later events do seem to provide a basis for his rise in the polls. It may well be that the 1962 Schlesinger Sr. poll and the 1996 Schlesinger Jr. poll is an accurate reflection of the political and social climate of the respective time period. IV. Conclusion It has been said that one can miss the forest for the trees; in retrospect, it seems clear now that Ike’s politically unpopular â€Å"centrist† image was deliberate. It allowed him to move silently away from the limelight to make crucial policy and political decisions. Because he had projected himself as an ineffective president, he was able to put his policies forward without being targeted by his critics of being its author. Despite the criticisms, Ike retained his popularity, no doubt as a result of his war record, his subsequent pacifist attitude as president and his widely known dislike of political posturing. In retrospect, he was more effective for his â€Å"hidden hand† style of governing than was initially suspected, as evidenced by the 1996 poll undertaken by Schlesinger Jr. , considered a more accurate reflection than that of his father’s 1962 survey. Works Cited â€Å"Dwight D. Eisenhower. † The White House. 6 November 2007 http://www. whitehouse. gov/history/presidents/de34. html. â€Å"Dwight David Eisenhower. † Findarticles. 2005. 6 November 2007 http://findarticles. com/p/articles/mi_gx5221/is_2005/ai_n19136311/print. â€Å"Eisenhower: Soldier of Peace. † Time. 4 April 1969. 6 November 2007 http://www. time. com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,839998-9,00. html. â€Å"Ike’s Presidential Legacy. † Eisenhower Memorial Commission. 6 November 2007 http://www. eisenhowermemorial. org/legacyreport/presidential-legacy. htm. â€Å"The Debits. † Time. com. 27 January 1961. 6 November 2007 http://www. time. com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,826765,00. html. Ansary, Tamin. â€Å"Who Was the Greatest President? † Encarta. MSN. com 2007. 6 November 2007 http://encarta. msn. com/encnet/features/columns/? article=greatestpresident. Dean, John â€Å"Ranking presidents Utter Nonsense or Useful Analysis? † FindLaw. 11 May 2001. 6 November 2007 http://writ. news. findlaw. com/dean/20010511. html. Madonna, G. Terry Young, Michael. â€Å"Why George Bush Should Like Ike. † Real Clear Politics. 19 October 2007. 5 November 2007 http://www. realclearpolitics. com/articles/2007/10/why_george_bush_should_like_ik. html. Murphy, Arthur. â€Å"Evaluating the Presidents of the United States. † Presidential Studies Quarterly 14 (1984): 117-126. Schlesinger, Arthur Jr. â€Å"Rating the Presidents: Washington to Clinton. † Political Science Quarterly 11. 2 (Summer 1997): 179-90. Watson, Robert Berger, Dale. â€Å"Reconsidering Ikes Health and Legacy: A Surprising Lesson in Duty at the Little White House Residential Retreat. † The Eisenhower Institute. Gettysburg College. 6 November 2007 http://www. eisenhowerinstitute. org/publications/opinions__editorials/Watson_Berger_Reconsidering. dot.

The Negotiation Strategies In International Business Commerce Essay

The Negotiation Strategies In International Business Commerce Essay In business relationships, parties negotiate because they think they can influence the process in such a way that they can get a better deal than simply accepting or rejecting what the other party is offering. Ghauri (2003) says business negotiation is a voluntary process of give and take where both parties modify their offers and expectations in order to come closer to each other. In literature, sometimes bargaining and negotiation are used interchangeably. Negotiation, also called integrative bargaining, refers to win-win negotiation where both or all parties involved can end up with equally beneficial or attractive outcomes. In other words, everyone can win. It is more related to a problem-solving approach, where both parties involved perceive the process of negotiation as a process to find a solution to a common problem. In integrative bargaining however, if negotiations are not properly handled, both parties can end up with a jointly inferior deal. With negotiation, it is possible for both parties to achieve their objectives and one partys gain is not dependent upon the other partys concession. Business negotiation is considered by many authors as being this type of negotiation. The power/dependence relation is another basic characteristic of all negotiation processes. It is closely related to the actual power relation, which is influenced by the value of the relationship to the parties and their available alternatives. Background factors for example the market position can influence the power/dependence relation. The ability to control a relationship is related to the perceived power of two parties, their relative expertise and access to information. This power is a property of the relationship and not an attribute of the actor; in fact, it is closely related to dependence. Therefore, the power relationship is in balance if both parties perceive equal power. The power relationship is unbalanced if one of the parties perceives more power, or if one party is dependent on the other. The dramatic growth of international trade over the last five decades has been not only in terms of volume but in complexity as well. International marketers are now more and more business negotiators, who constantly discuss deals across borders with a variety of people, ranging from consumers to intermediaries and even competitors. Technology often plays a major role in such deals and this could mislead people into believing that the whole negotiation process is principally an engineers discussion based on rational and scientific facts. In fact, technical complexity intermingles with human complexity to render such negotiation processes difficult to manage. A considerable amount of literature is available on negotiations, some of it also on business negotiations but the field of international business negotiations is quite neglected. Strategic Negotiations. Richard Walton etal,1994 identify three primary negotiations strategies. These are forcing, fostering, and escape. Each represents an overarching pattern of interaction that characterizes the negotiations. A strategy does not emerge all at once, but over time as a result of consistent patterns of interaction. A forcing strategy generally involves taking a distributive or win/lose approach to the negotiations, combined with a divide and conquer approach to internal relations in the other side, and an attitudinal approach that emphasizes uncertainty and distrust. By contrast, a fostering strategy generally involves taking an integrative or win/win approach to the negotiations, combined with a consensus approach to internal relations in both sides, and an attitudinal approach that emphasizes openness and understanding. Escape is a non-negotiations strategy in which one or more parties seek to end or undercut the relationship. Dietmeyer and Kaplan (2004) use a res earch-based approach to negotiation that assists sales professionals in reaching their own business goals, while ensuring that their customers meet budget and professional objectives as well-going beyond win-win to achieve true, measurable business value for all parties at the negotiating table. Power and Diplomacy Power. Susan Strange (1998) brings out that power accrues to those who can offer or deny security; those who manage the creation of wealth by production; those who create credit to allow or deny other people to spend today and pay back tomorrow; those who (mis)manage the currency in which credit is denominated; those who have knowledge (advanced technology) which provides military superiority and dominance in other power structures. John De La Mothe (2002), argues that science, technology and innovation have long been key factors in the competitive advantage of nations. Today, however, the new international political economy is being increasingly driven by science and technology in new ways. Integration, globalization and internationalization have all become watchwords for a series of dynamic processes in which science and technology are deeply implicated. As a result, not only are the policies of national governments being exposed in terms of the limits of their sovereignty, but sci ence and technology are being increasingly implicated in a wide array of public issues ranging from security, privacy, development and economic growth to employment, environment, foreign policy and geopolitics. Clearly, in todays emerging world, the ways in which governments organize their science and technology policy, their science and technology intelligence, and their research advisory structures and resources matter more today than ever before. Diplomacy. James Rosenau was one of the first to suggest that the domestic and international are somehow linked and elaborated upon what he termed linkage politics (1969). Scholars focusing on the regional impact of domestic politics are Karl Deutsch (1957) and Ernst Haas (1958). Haas highlights two types of spillover. The first type, functional spillover, occurs when cooperation in certain sectors of the economy (or society) creates technocratic pressure for cooperation in adjoining sectors, thereby propelling integration forward. The second type, political spillover, occurs when ongoing cooperation in certain areas empowers supranational officials to act as informal political entrepreneurs in other areas. In order to manage complex technocratic issues more effectively, rational governments must delegate discretion to experts, judges and bureaucrats, thereby creating powerful new supranational actors with an interest in cooperation. Graham Allison in Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis (1971) too, speaks of an overlap between international and domestic politics. In State Power and the Structure of International Trade, Krasner argues that that openness in the world economy is most likely to occur during periods when a hegemonic state is in its ascendancy. As long as the states technological lead is increasing, its leadership will perceive economic advantages to openness, since openness will expand markets for the products of its technologically sophisticated industries. The hegemon will also gain politically, since the opportunity costs of closure will be low, relative to those facing smaller and poorer states. Conversely, when several large, unequally developed states coexist, Krasner predicts that the more backward states will find openness economically and politically costly and will therefore resist it. Greater trade closure will, therefore, result (Keohane 1997). Like Gilpin before him, Krasner too stresses on the influence of the strength of the state on international trade. The crucial point is the correlation between what occurs withi n a state is related to what occurs beyond state boundaries. Robert Putnam in Diplomacy and Domestic Politics: The Logic of Two Level Games (1988) argues that domestic structures and diplomacy are interminably entangled and says that the negotiator is under pressure to reconcile domestic and international conflicts. Putnams work challenges the level of analysis approach to studying international relations which stresses the importance of classifying data under three clusters: the systemic, national and the individual (Singer 1961). Mayer (1991) develops a model to explore the implications of domestic political divisions for international strategic engagement in international trade. He explores the subject by treating international trade as a game and identifying the players and examining how they play. The observation that there are several overlapping games being played, a few of them being strategic and others not, is significant. Policies such as tariff, quotas, and export and production subsidies are the tools used by the players to gain a n advantage in the international strategic trade game (Krugman 1986). Work on strategic trade policy builds on game theoretical models which analyse how states use trade policies to leverage their economic performance. India and Nanotechnology (The literature survey included, amongst others, a perusal of annual reports of GOI MOD, DST, CSIR, TIFAC, CII; back issues (app 3years) of Business world, New Scientist, Hindu Businessline and Business Today. ) GOI initiatives include DST launched Nano Science and Technology Initiative (NSTI) with an allocation of Rs. 1000 crore, Government has spent approximately Rs. 250 crore, over the past five years to promote RD in the area of nanotechnology. 100 research projects on the synthesis and assembly of ceramic nanoparticles, nano tubes, nano wires, nanoporous solids, and DNA chips have been supported by the Government. CII Initiatives have resulted in; India-UK Joint Economic and Trade Cooperation, Indo-US High Technology Cooperation Group (HTCG), Nanotechnology partnership with Taiwan, a number of Nanotechnology Conclaves, Nanotechnology Cluster-CMTI, Jharkhand Nanotechnology Initiative, West Bengal Nano Park etc. CII is working closely with the Government of India on US India High-Technology Cooperation Group (HTCG) formed on November 2002. The HTCG acts to facilitate and promote bilateral high-technology trade. The focus areas of the core group include Information Technology, Defense, Life Sciences and Nanotechnology. Realising the potential of nanotechnology, HTCG working group on Nanotechnology is formed to facilitate seamless flow of knowledge between both the countries and joint development projects involving industries. The Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) has put together a 10-point action plan to empower Indian industry to come out with commercial nanotechnology products, which it believes will drive the future of industry worldwide. The action plan includes awareness creation, training and skills development, technology facilitation and networking and facilitating collaborative projects. The Nano Science and Technology Consortium works to create a platform conducive for the growth, promotion and partnering in the field of Nano Science and Technology taking together industries, academics and government through consultative, advisory and educative processes which will provide growth platform for organizations, academics and governments for harnessing the Nano potential at Global level. Companies like Samsung have already entered the Indian market with a range of products using nanotechnology such as refrigerator, washing machine and air-cooler. Samsung uses nano-silver in various compositions in its product range. Further, companies like Tata Steel, Tata Chemicals, Mahindra Mahindra, Nicholas Piramal and Intel have invested around $250 million in the domestic market towards this end. Yash Nanotech has inked agreements with IIT Mumbai, NCL Pune and the Jawaharlal Nehru Centre of Advanced Research, Bangalore, to undertake global contract research and set up nanotech manufacturing facilities. Civil Applications. These can be grouped under four heads, namely, detection, including imaging, sensors and sensor networks for the detection of pathogens and chemicals; protection, including decontamination equipment and filters, and personal protection; identification, including anti-counterfeiting and authentication, forensics, quantum cryptography and the market for counterfeit and grey goods; societal impacts, including current regulatory and ethical frameworks, potential impacts on ethics and human rights, and public perception. Application in the field of medicine is one of the most fascinating areas that include new cancer therapies, drug delivery systems, and biomaterials for implants or prosthesis or diagnostic tools, which are under development or already in market. An important area of application of nanotechnology includes novel drug delivery techniques, which are quicker less risky, compared to the costs of developing new drugs. Military Applications. These also flow out from civil applications in areas like; higher performance platforms (aircraft, ships, subs, boats and satellites), enhanced sensing through more sensitive and selective sensors, enhanced human performance, information dominance through enhanced information technology, improved battlefield casualty management, lower life cycle costs with improved materials, coatings, and condition-based maintenance etc. Stake holders. The various stake holders include; governments, Industry, Entrepreneurs, RD, Institutions, Academic Research Institutions, and Society. Case Studies. These can be subdivided into those which pertain to PSUs, RD establishments and Defense and the private sector enterprises. The private sector industries which can be studied for negotiations resulting in various types of partnerships/JVs/MOUs/TOTs etc. are listed below:- Measuring devices equipments: Bharat Heavy Electrical Ltd, Icon Analytical equipment. Ltd., Veeco .Health Care: Dabur Research Foundation, Bharat Biotech International Ltd., Ranbaxy Laboratories Ltd. Materials processing: Tata Chemicals, Pune. Reliance India Limited. Automobile: Mahindra Mahindra, Tata Motors, United Nanotechnologies Pvt. Ltd. Electronics: Bharat Electronics Ltd, SemIndia Systems, Samtel India.

Human Resource Challenges of the 21st Century Essay examples -- Huma

The traditional administrative role of human resource practices are a thing of the past and new roles for HRM are emerging at an alarming rate in the 21st century. HR is increasing its support for business goals and objectives while at the same time becoming strategic business partners. Challenges for the 21st century include, changing roles, shifting demographics, and globalization. In order for HR to stay current they must adapt and make necessary changes in retraining, alternative work schedules and technological advancements. Then, these successes have to be analyzed and evaluated for effectiveness. HUMAN RESOURCE CHALLENGES With the 21st century in motion human resource management will face some of the old struggles and HR will be forced to face many new challenges. The main objective of HR is to recruit, retain, train, retrain and keep workers satisfied. Indeed, these responsibilities can be challenging in the 21st century, especially with changing roles, a multi-generational workforce, and globalization. Changing Roles. Traditionally, HR has been an administrative position-processing paperwork, benefits, hiring and firing, and compensation. However, recently HRM has moved from a traditional to a strategic role, the emphasis is on catering to the needs of consumers and workers. Before, HR was seen as the enemy and employees believed that HR’s main purpose was to protect management. Now, the position requires HRM to be more people oriented and protect their human capitol, the staff. In addition, human resource management has to be business savvy and think of themselves as strategic partners in the 21st century. Multi-generational workforce. Another major challenge human resources department’s face in the 21s... ... but will continue to transform. Just as HR has changed from 10years ago the same will be true 10 years from now. Works Cited Effron, Marc, Robert Grandossy, and Marshall Goldsmith (eds). "Chapter 3 - The 21st Century Workforce". Human Resources in the 21st Century. John Wiley & Sons, Â © 2003. Books24x7. Web. Apr. 6, 2012. Greengard, Samuel. "Technology Finally Advances HR." Workforce 79.1 (2000): 38. Academic Search Elite. Web. 6 Apr. 2012. Gueutal, Hal G., and Dianna L. Stone (eds). "Chapter 9 - The Next Decade of HR—Trends, Technologies, and Recommendations". The Brave New World of eHR: Human Resources in the Digital Age. Jossey-Bass, Â © 2005. Books24x7. Web. Apr. 6, 2012. Noe, Raymond A., John R. Hollenbeck, Barry Gerhart, and Patrick M. Wright. Human Resource Management: Gaining a Competitive Advantage. 7th ed. Boston: McGraw-Hill Irwin, 2010. Print.

Great Gatsby: Fitzgeralds Criticism Of The American Dream Essay

Great Gatsby: Fitzgerald's Criticism of The American Dream The American Dream, as it arose in the Colonial period and developed in the nineteenth century, was based on the assumption that each person, no matter what his origins, could succeed in life on the sole basis of his or her own skill and effort. The dream was embodied in the ideal of the self-made man, just as it was embodied in Fitzgerald's own family by his grandfather, P. F. McQuillan. Fitzgerald's novel takes its place among other novels whose insights into the nature of the American dream have not affected the artistic form of the novel itself. The Great Gatsby serves as Fitzgerald's critique of the American dream.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The Great Gatsby embodies a criticism of America and the American experience, more radical than any other author has attempted. The theme of the novel is the destruction of the American dream during the 1920s, a period when the vulgar pursuit of material happiness has corrupted the old values that gave substance to the dream. The characters are Midwesterners who have come East in pursuit of this new dream of money, fame, success, glamour, and excitement. Tom and Daisy must have a huge house, a stable of polo ponies, and friends in Europe. Gatsby must have his enormous mansion before he can feel confident enough to try to win Daisy. Fitzgerald does not criticize the American dream itself but the corruption of that dream. What was once for Ben Franklin or Thomas Jefferson ...

Writing

How Essay writing is being processed step by step: In every essay, the following are required: 1) What to write:- the content of the essay 2) How to write: – the organization, diction (key words), general structure of the essay. 3) Understanding the topic/issue of the subject matter. 4) Plan and structure your essay. 5) Creativity on your writing (speak through your writing). Now, every essay is expected to comprise of at least 5 paragraphs. This entails: I. Introduction/ topic sentence. II.The thesis statement of the essay. III. Body of the essay. IV. Extension of the body and examples. V. Conclusion In writing an essay, assume the reader does not know anything about your essay so you have to write in detail not-withstanding the knowledge of your marker or reader. Make sure your essay is structured very logically and rich in the appropriate diction, the use of indirect speech should be avoided HOW TO WRITE AN ESSAY IN 25MINS MINUTE 1:- Analyze- look at the essay question or p rompt. 1) What is it asking you to do? ) Is it prompting u to explain the reason of an option of yours? 3) Is it prompting you to take a stand on a particular issue? 4) If you are being asked to argue for or against something, you may have an immediate got reaction to what you are being asked. 5) Pay attention to how you feel. If your immediate reaction is â€Å"of course! † or â€Å"never! † Ask yourself how you feel that way. See whether you can spot any keyword or short phrase in the prompt that triggers your reaction. E. g. consider the following essay prompt â€Å"If we rest, we rust†.This statement is certainly true; inactivity and lack of exertion over time can cause our skills to deteriorate through disuse. In-fact, people who have seized practicing and activity for a long period and who attempts to take it up again frequently are thwarted in doing so because of the decline of their skills. Do you think that rest has a detrimental effect on us and that w e must keep active to avoid losing our edge? Plan and write an essay in which you explain your position on this issue.You may use examples from history, literature, popular culture, current events or personal experience to support your position MINUTE 2:- Brainstorm:- 1) Write down the key words you spotted in the storm. 2) Circle them. 3) Now, write down all the words and phrases that you associate with these key words. 4) What words come to your mind when you think of the word rest (sleep, relaxing, idleness, laziness) even if you never thought that there might be a connection between resting and rusting, you have some mental association with these ideas.By brainstorming or clustering, you get in touch with these associations, call up the wealth of ideas you already have and forget any worries that you may have had having nothing to say. When you brainstorm, the mind leads you in numerable directions. Simply trust yourself, let your brainstorming process tap the knowledge and feel ings that lies within you. MINUTE 3:- Take a stand:- 1) After you have been brainstorming for a while 2) Analyze Writing How Essay writing is being processed step by step: In every essay, the following are required: 1) What to write:- the content of the essay 2) How to write: – the organization, diction (key words), general structure of the essay. 3) Understanding the topic/issue of the subject matter. 4) Plan and structure your essay. 5) Creativity on your writing (speak through your writing). Now, every essay is expected to comprise of at least 5 paragraphs. This entails: I. Introduction/ topic sentence. II.The thesis statement of the essay. III. Body of the essay. IV. Extension of the body and examples. V. Conclusion In writing an essay, assume the reader does not know anything about your essay so you have to write in detail not-withstanding the knowledge of your marker or reader. Make sure your essay is structured very logically and rich in the appropriate diction, the use of indirect speech should be avoided HOW TO WRITE AN ESSAY IN 25MINS MINUTE 1:- Analyze- look at the essay question or p rompt. 1) What is it asking you to do? ) Is it prompting u to explain the reason of an option of yours? 3) Is it prompting you to take a stand on a particular issue? 4) If you are being asked to argue for or against something, you may have an immediate got reaction to what you are being asked. 5) Pay attention to how you feel. If your immediate reaction is â€Å"of course! † or â€Å"never! † Ask yourself how you feel that way. See whether you can spot any keyword or short phrase in the prompt that triggers your reaction. E. g. consider the following essay prompt â€Å"If we rest, we rust†.This statement is certainly true; inactivity and lack of exertion over time can cause our skills to deteriorate through disuse. In-fact, people who have seized practicing and activity for a long period and who attempts to take it up again frequently are thwarted in doing so because of the decline of their skills. Do you think that rest has a detrimental effect on us and that w e must keep active to avoid losing our edge? Plan and write an essay in which you explain your position on this issue.You may use examples from history, literature, popular culture, current events or personal experience to support your position MINUTE 2:- Brainstorm:- 1) Write down the key words you spotted in the storm. 2) Circle them. 3) Now, write down all the words and phrases that you associate with these key words. 4) What words come to your mind when you think of the word rest (sleep, relaxing, idleness, laziness) even if you never thought that there might be a connection between resting and rusting, you have some mental association with these ideas.By brainstorming or clustering, you get in touch with these associations, call up the wealth of ideas you already have and forget any worries that you may have had having nothing to say. When you brainstorm, the mind leads you in numerable directions. Simply trust yourself, let your brainstorming process tap the knowledge and feel ings that lies within you. MINUTE 3:- Take a stand:- 1) After you have been brainstorming for a while 2) Analyze Writing A mistake often made is the lack of knowledge for the reason of writing. The writer's purpose is to always appeal to an audience, whether you are informing, persuading, or writing to amuse. Your goal is to have some type of influence on the reader. The effectiveness of your influence starts by first gaining full awareness of exactly who your audience may be. In this chapter, the author mentions deferent examples of writing.For example, if a person were to write something for children, It should be very simple and not composed of much density. A child's level of understanding Is not as mature as an adults, therefore writing using complicated terms would only confuse them. Keeping this In mind, children's writing should be on an understanding level. This Is so the children will be able to comprehend the short and simple words. As opposed to writing to a group of educated specialists, this would be considered Inappropriate.Writing should be formal, with the use of full complex sentences , professional and more complex. After becoming familiar with the audience, the writer should then be sure to not only be grammatically correct, but also correct rhetorically. An example of two different paragraphs were given, one rich and strong in rhetoric, and the other lacking and empty. Both were about English courses they had taken, but what separated the two was thorough detailing. In the first paragraph, the writer told about their favorite course taken during high school.Although the grammar was correct in the first paragraph, compared to the second paragraph it lacked supporting details. While the second paragraph, opened up more, giving the reader an explanation. When writing, direct details are a key factor. The reader should have a clear understanding on why and how a situation is affected. While practicing the art of rhetoric, the author must also be aware of what is appropriate and inappropriate. Depending on the audience, it can then be decided whether formal, inform al, or technical writing is appropriate when writing.Formal writing, which is to be used most of the time in college writing, has consistent and standard grammar. This can be seen in research papers, scholarly papers, written exams, and serious letters. The purpose of formal writing is never to express he writers opinion or point of view, but to propose a case or argument. For this reason, the â€Å"l† point of view or first person should be avoided along with contractions. If examples are needed, they should be made in third person or in general. Seed in things such as Journalistic writing, personal letters, diaries, and light essays, Informal writing Is your personal point of view. With Informal writing being composed of everyday speech, things such as contractions are acceptable. Technical writing on the other hand is also formal English. Unlike formal writing, It Is used by engineers, chicanes, and scientists with specialized vocabulary according to the field. According t o chapter 2, technical writing suffers from over wording, the wrong use of past tense, and over using abstract nouns.With the knowledge of these three forms, It makes It easier for the writer to understand how a letter to their mother should be written or why a love letter Is not written as If It were too Judge. The chapter references learning to ride a bike In a comparison to learning to write well. When getting training wheels taken off for the first time, a person cannot learn to ride instructions can be helpful and memorized, perfection can only be obtained by physical action of actually attempting to ride the bike without the training wheels.With time, improvement will be noticed. This is the same with learning to write. Practicing the skill of rhetoric will only produce well written literature. Keeping in mind writing is about remembering who the audience is, the purpose of writing and choosing the appropriate writing level. The process of mastering writing as a whole is a pro cess. With the knowledge and study of rhetoric, this can be accomplished. Writing A mistake often made is the lack of knowledge for the reason of writing. The writer's purpose is to always appeal to an audience, whether you are informing, persuading, or writing to amuse. Your goal is to have some type of influence on the reader. The effectiveness of your influence starts by first gaining full awareness of exactly who your audience may be. In this chapter, the author mentions deferent examples of writing.For example, if a person were to write something for children, It should be very simple and not composed of much density. A child's level of understanding Is not as mature as an adults, therefore writing using complicated terms would only confuse them. Keeping this In mind, children's writing should be on an understanding level. This Is so the children will be able to comprehend the short and simple words. As opposed to writing to a group of educated specialists, this would be considered Inappropriate.Writing should be formal, with the use of full complex sentences , professional and more complex. After becoming familiar with the audience, the writer should then be sure to not only be grammatically correct, but also correct rhetorically. An example of two different paragraphs were given, one rich and strong in rhetoric, and the other lacking and empty. Both were about English courses they had taken, but what separated the two was thorough detailing. In the first paragraph, the writer told about their favorite course taken during high school.Although the grammar was correct in the first paragraph, compared to the second paragraph it lacked supporting details. While the second paragraph, opened up more, giving the reader an explanation. When writing, direct details are a key factor. The reader should have a clear understanding on why and how a situation is affected. While practicing the art of rhetoric, the author must also be aware of what is appropriate and inappropriate. Depending on the audience, it can then be decided whether formal, inform al, or technical writing is appropriate when writing.Formal writing, which is to be used most of the time in college writing, has consistent and standard grammar. This can be seen in research papers, scholarly papers, written exams, and serious letters. The purpose of formal writing is never to express he writers opinion or point of view, but to propose a case or argument. For this reason, the â€Å"l† point of view or first person should be avoided along with contractions. If examples are needed, they should be made in third person or in general. Seed in things such as Journalistic writing, personal letters, diaries, and light essays, Informal writing Is your personal point of view. With Informal writing being composed of everyday speech, things such as contractions are acceptable. Technical writing on the other hand is also formal English. Unlike formal writing, It Is used by engineers, chicanes, and scientists with specialized vocabulary according to the field. According t o chapter 2, technical writing suffers from over wording, the wrong use of past tense, and over using abstract nouns.With the knowledge of these three forms, It makes It easier for the writer to understand how a letter to their mother should be written or why a love letter Is not written as If It were too Judge. The chapter references learning to ride a bike In a comparison to learning to write well. When getting training wheels taken off for the first time, a person cannot learn to ride instructions can be helpful and memorized, perfection can only be obtained by physical action of actually attempting to ride the bike without the training wheels.With time, improvement will be noticed. This is the same with learning to write. Practicing the skill of rhetoric will only produce well written literature. Keeping in mind writing is about remembering who the audience is, the purpose of writing and choosing the appropriate writing level. The process of mastering writing as a whole is a pro cess. With the knowledge and study of rhetoric, this can be accomplished.

Iran-Iraq War Essay

The Iran-Iraq War is considered as one of the longest and most violent battles in history. This eight-year long armed conflict was actually the result of many events. The rivalry between Iran and Iraq can be traced from the seventh century. It was a rivalry grounded on the antagonism between Persians and Arabs, just as it was based on the conflict between Sunni Muslims and Shi’a Muslims. These ethnic and religious divisions were further intensified by territorial disputes, which would continue until the 20th Century. In addition, politics played a role in initiating the war itself. The rivalry existed many years ago, but the war was aggravated by the changes in governance in both countries. The Iran-Iraq War was a violent combat between the aforementioned nations from September 1980 until August 1988. The conflict was only stopped with the intervention of the United Nations. The battle proved to be a long and tedious one, as the tension between the countries extended for years. There were also countless casualties as a result of the disastrous occurrence. When the war ended, neither nation could truly be declared the victor. Both Iran and Iraq did not succeed in gaining new territories or political advantages. It is important to note that Iraq was the nation responsible for starting the war. However, the aggression of Saddam Hussein was not the main cause of the war’s occurrence. In fact, there is no single cause to be blamed for the war. The origins of the Iran-Iraq War are deeply rooted in ethnic, religious and territorial conflicts which date back from the seventh century; it was exacerbated in the modern era due to ambitions of dominance. This term paper aims to discuss the reasons behind the Iran-Iraq War on two accounts: the dispute over the Shatt al-Arab river and the political tension caused by the Islamic Revolution and the rise of Ba’ath regime. The Iran-Iraq War occurred because of various reasons. The conflict between the two nations involved was characterized by other conflicts. The tension that had long persisted between Iran and Iraq were caused by differences in religious beliefs and political positions, as well as disagreements on the borders (Iran Chamber Society [ICS], 2009). The problem between the countries was fueled by the problems between the following opposing parties: Sunnis and Shia Muslims, Arabs and Persians, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and Saddam Hussein (Ehteshami & Hinnebusch, 1997). Moreover, both Iran and Iraq sought to gain supremacy in the region (Brown, 2008). The Iranian-Iraq War which started in September 1980 was a testament to the extended conflict regarding the boundaries of their territories and their share in the Shatt al-Arab river (Hunseler, 1984). The war was also a result of the struggle of both parties to become the most dominant and influential in the region. However, it is important to point out that there is a significant difference between the 1980 war and the conflicts prior to it. The early conflicts between Iran and Iraq were settled with the interference of European countries which only meddled to safeguard their respective interests. As for the 1980 war, both sides fought to preserve their own interests. No external power intervened with that war. Two main reasons why the conflict became prolonged are the mutual disputes over territory (especially the Shatt al-Arab) and the involvement of both sides in the domestic problems of the other (Hunseler, 1984). The Beginning of the Persian-Arab Conflict The origins of the conflict between Iran and Iraq started many centuries before both nations were established. It is important for one to be familiar with the history of the conflict why the 1980 war began in the first place. According to Hunseler (1984), the Iran-Iraq tension had its roots in the seventh century with the Arab-Persian conflict. It was this centuries old rift which ignited the battle over the Shatt al-Arab. Persia stood out from the others because despite being under the control of the Arabs, it retained its national identity (Hunseler, 1984). In AD 636, the Sassanids of Persia lost to the armies of Arab General Sa’d bin Abi Waqqas at the Battle of Qadisiya. Meanwhile, the Persian Empire became dissolved in AD 642 due to the Battle of Nihawand. While they held on to their state’s culture and territorial honor, the Persian population embraced Islam in the aftermath of the collapse of the Persian Empire. The Arabs and the people they conquered viewed Islam and Arabism as a union. However, despite being under the influence of Islam, the culture of Persia cannot be restrained (Hunseler, 1984). An important thing to consider in understanding the history of Persia and its political and social existence is what Hunseler (1984) called the â€Å"juxtaposition of Persia and Islam† (p. 8). The principle was said to have been derived from the notion of the state based on Zoroastrianism. According to the Zoroastrian notion of a state, it must have the following: â€Å"a secularly-legitimized kingship, the survival of the Persian language and the proud awareness of a distinct Persian history† (Hunseler, 1984, p. 8). After two centuries, the Sunni-Arab Abbasid caliphate had become interested in the Persian literature (Hunseler, 1984). In time, the Persian families which belonged to the caliphate of the Abbasids began to assume control by grabbing power repeatedly. From AD 954 until 1055, the Buyid dynasty possessed enough authority to manipulate politics in the western portion of Persia and Iraq. In addition, they also had the power to strictly limit the function of the caliphs of Abbasid to religion only. This was the reason why the legacy left by the Buyids in Iraq was considered as the conflict between Persianism and Arabism (Hunseler, 1984). In the 17th century, the Safavids in Persia declared Shi’ism as the state religion (Hunseler, 1984). The Safavids exerted influence on Persia for 15 long years; they stayed in the state from 1623 to 1638 (Hiro, 1991). The declaration was seen as Persia’s attempt to establish its boundaries and separate itself from Arab nations while keeping the matters under the influence of Islam. Shi’ism became a crucial part of Islamic history, as it was the first to present a rift in the unified world of Islam. This was because Shi’ism founded itself in a separate state. The kings of the Safavids considered themselves as mainly secular leaders; they assigned the religious functions to the theologians. In turn, the Shi’a ministers did not want to give up their posts which were assigned to them under the Safavid rule. Most especially during the time of the Qajar leaders, the clergy were given money and land. The awarding of such gifts allowed them to be financially independent from the king; it also gave them the opportunity to exert political influence. Meanwhile, no such similar progress had occurred in the Sunni Arab states (Hunseler, 1984). The Sunni-Shi’a Problem The existing Persian-Arab conflict had taken a complicated turn with the addition of yet another conflict: the Sunni-Shi’a problem (Hunseler, 1984). The problem was not exactly about tension between the differing branches of Islam. Instead, there was antagonism due to the amount of influence that a particular religion has on the development of political power in the state. The conflict continues at present day, as there are still areas wherein the Arab communities consist of both Sunni and Shi’a factions (Hunseler, 1984). Those who head the Shi’a clergy in Arab countries such as Iraq and Bahrain found difficulty in assuming certain social positions (Hunseler, 1984). In Persia, the Shi’a clergy had no problems exerting influence in society because Shi’ism was revered with national significance. In addition, Shi’a leaders faced with two issues regarding loyalty. First, they encouraged the spread of Shi’ism in states whose population were not exclusively Shi’a. Therefore, they became involved in the centuries-old conflict between the Shi’a and Sunni. Second, they were victims of the suspicions of Arab rulers who thought they were submitting to the influence of non-Arabs (Persians). They were often seen by their Arab counterparts as promoting non-Arab causes. This situation caused the Arab Shi’as to be constantly detached from their political leaders. The separation was also caused by doubt on secular leadership, as well as Shi’a millennialism (Hunseler, 1984). The Persian-Arab conflict and the attempts of both sides to become more dominant and influential than the other in the Middle East became evident in areas where the Sunni and Shi’a groups, and the Arabs and Persians, fought against each other (Hunseler, 1984). Even though the Persians and Arabs in the Arabian peninsula had the Persian-Arab Gulf to set them apart in terms of geography, the conflict eventually made itself apparent on the boundaries on land. This was the primary reason why the conflict persisted for many years; both sides incessantly tried to acquire the territories of the other and the quest for a mutual border dragged on (Hunseler, 1984). The Origin of the Conflict over the Shatt al-Arab The conflict between Iran and Iraq over the Shatt al-Arab river originated in the 17th century and began as the rift between the Ottoman Empire and Persia (Hunseler, 1984). The sultan of Turkey, Murad IV, captured Baghdad in 1638 and the initial resolution regarding the boundaries with Persia was drafted a year later. The Kurds and the Armenians occupied the north while the Arabs dominated the south. The boundary fell on areas wherein the tribes did not consider either the Persians or Turks as their masters. As a result, the border settlement was drafted with consideration to the tribes and the names of the places. The agreement also took in consideration the intention of both parties to unite the tribes of Istanbul or Esfahan. The Kurdish-Armenian boundary caused many conflicts after it was established, but order was always restored in reference to the 1639 resolution. Unfortunately, the 1639 agreement proved lacking in setting the boundaries in the Shatt al-Arab region. On one hand, Persians believed the river itself was a natural border. On the other hand, the Turks upheld the claim that the river belonged to the Ottoman Empire. According to the Turkish point of view, the Arab tribes which occupy both sides of the river are considered a single entity from Arabistan. Arabistan is part of the Ottoman Empire. Hence, the Shatt al-Arab was to be considered as under the possession of the Ottoman Empire (Hunseler, 1984). In the 19th Century, boundary problems continued. In 1823, a boundary problem surrounding the Muhammarah surfaced and Persians settled in the city (Hunseler, 1984). Both Russia and Great Britain extended their assistance on the matter. On May 15, 1843, a boundary committee was formed and gathered in Erzerum, a city in Turkey. The committee consisted of representatives from Turkey, Persia, Russia and Britain. A treaty was created on May 31, 1847, and contained three major guidelines. First, Muhammarah and its harbor, as well as Khidhr Island, were awarded to Persia. Meanwhile, Turkey was granted admission to Zuhab and Sulaymaniyah. Second, the committee was designated â€Å"in situ† to delineate the specific course of the boundary (Hunseler, 1984, p. 11). Lastly, the Ottoman Empire was given the entire Shatt al-Arab extending to the marker on the east, except for the territories mentioned above (Hunseler, 1984). The treaty of 1847 was rather ambiguous, and its inherent vagueness proved to be its biggest flaw (Hunseler, 1984). The treaty did not address the question of which nation had the responsibility over the eastern shore. While the Shatt al-Arab was placed under Turkish jurisdiction, the specifications of the border were not indicated. Turkey wanted to resolve the issue over the treaty’s vague statements regarding Arabistan/ Khuzistan. As a result, Russia and Great Britain included an â€Å"explanatory note† to assert that the problem raised by Turkey was not compromised by the treaty’s lack of clarity (Hunseler, 1984, p. 11). Turkey declined to approve the treaty until Persia acknowledged the note as part of the treaty (Hunseler, 1984). Mirza Muhammad Ali Khan acknowledged the note and signed the treaty as a delegate of the Persia. After the Persian administration discovered the inclusion of the added note, it nullified the treaty and failed to approve it. They argued that the Persian representative had no power to sign the document (Hunseler, 1984). To address the issue, the boundary committee inspected the Turkish-Persian border from 1850 until 1852 (Hunseler, 1984). Unfortunately, the commission was not able to do its job properly because of the opposing claims of Turkish and Persian commissioners. Persia maintained that they were given the entire expanse found east of the Shatt al-Arab, while Turkey opposed the claim. The committee was unable to provide a definite proposition to solve the problem. While the committee continued its efforts in the northern area of the Shatt al-Arab, the determination of the boundaries of the river’s region was postponed indefinitely (Hunseler, 1984). Persia was relentless in its efforts to claim territories and continued to bring up its border issues in the succeeding years. Persia sought Russia and Britain to mediate on the border problem (Hunseler, 1984). Persia wanted to share control of the Shatt al-Arab with Turkey; the state also wanted to discuss the rights with regards to the harbor. Unfortunately, Britain and Russia were not in agreeable terms since the mid-19th Century. Hence, both nations were not prepared to mediate in behalf of the Shatt al-Arab tension. On August 31, 1907, the Anglo-Russian convention had an agreement. This agreement divided Persia into three separate zones. In the northern part of Persia, Russia maintained a sphere of influence. In the southern area, Britain had its own sphere. Meanwhile, the middle area was considered as neutral ground. It was not until after this division was established that the Anglo-Russian concern for the Turkish-Persian border was revived (Hunseler, 1984). Russia became once again involved with Persian-Turkish affairs because it was specifically interested with the province of Azerbaijan in Persia (Hunseler, 1984). The interest was the result of strategic and economic factors in relation to Turkey. On the contrary, Britain was different from Russia because its interests were not limited to Persia alone. Britain was also focused on the Turkish territory of the Shatt al-Arab because it played a crucial part in British interests in the Gulf area. In July 1911, an Anglo-Turkish mediation in attempt to come up with a resolution that would define the territorial claims and rights in the Arab-Persian Gulf region began. On July 29, 1913, the resolution was signed by Turkey and Britain. The agreement included the decisions regarding the status of Arab sheikdoms. The resolution also included the agreements about the Shatt al-Arab and its significance to the increasing British authority in Arabistan and Iraq. The resolution proved to be beneficial for Turkey, but only because Britain acted on it for its own advantage. Meanwhile, Russia was outraged by the Anglo-Turkish agreement and initially renounced it. Britain caught Russia by surprise by awarding the Shatt al-Arab in its entirety to Turkey. Russia had its own interests to protect in Shatt al-Arab and the Gulf area, and the agreement served as a hindrance to the Russian cause. However, Britain gave Russia the guarantee that it would offer assistance in the latter’s interest in the northern section of the Turkish-Persian border. After Britain gave its guarantee, Russia acknowledged the Anglo-Turkish agreement (Hunseler, 1984). On December 21, 1911, Persian Foreign Minister and Turkish representatives from Tehran gathered in Istanbul to create a boundary commission to resolve the Turkish-Persian border problem (Hunseler, 1984). The commission began to meet in March 1912; by August, the commission had convened a total of 18 times. In the beginning, the efforts of the commission seemed futile due to Persia’s disapproval of a specific â€Å"note explicative† of April 26, 1847 (Hunseler, 1984, p. 13). However, Russia exerted influence and Tehran was forced to agree on the note on August 15, 1912. The early progress of the Turkish-Persian commission was accompanied by statements already found in the Four-Power Protocol of Constantinople dated on November 17, 1913. With regards to the area of the Shatt al-Arab, the definition of the border was determined in conformity with the Second Treaty of Erzerum of 1847. According to the treaty, the Shatt al-Arab is considered as a Turkish territory excluding the limitations concerning Abadan and Muhammarah. By November 1913, two-thirds of the border assignment was completed. The task of settling the complete boundary was given to a Four-Power Delimitation Commission. This commission had to define the border based on what was 1869’s â€Å"carte identique† (Hunseler, 1984, p. 13). The commission started working in 1914. Unfortunately, the First World War broke out. The emergence of the war hindered Persia and Turkey from acknowledging the border (Hunseler, 1984). The Aftermath of World War I: The Iranian-Iraq Disagreement on the Shatt al-Arab The conflict and rivalry between Iran and Iraq officially started after the First World War (Hunseler, 1984). The outcome of the war significantly altered the issue over the borders concerning the Shatt al-Arab. Hunseler (1984) explained: â€Å"The British mandate of Iraq, which had come about in Mesopotamia, entered into the Turkish boundary claims against Iran, although it also impinged upon British navigational privileges on the Shatt al-Arab† (p. 14). The aftermath of the Great War also allowed Iran to experience a dramatic political transformation. In 1921, Muhammad Reza Khan came into power. Under his reign, Iran became resistant to the established agreements regarding the Shatt al-Arab (Hunseler, 1984). It was also in 1921 when Khaz’al, the Sheik of Muhammarah, lost. Khaz’al was a known supporter of the British cause. With his defeat, Iran was granted the opportunity to fervently defend its own interests on the Shatt al-Arab conflict. Due to the new found empowerment of Iran, Britain was suddenly placed in a position wherein it should implement its rules without putting its Iranian interests in jeopardy (Hunseler, 1984). Meanwhile, Iraq asserted its control over the Shatt al-Arab (Hunseler, 1984). Due to the claim, Iran declined to recognize the state of Iraq. In 1929, Iran did give diplomatic recognition to Iraq, but only because it sought to gain the attention of Britain. Iran hoped that by acknowledging Iraq as a state, Britain would be sympathetic towards the Iranian cause. Britain was still interested in Iran because of economic reasons; the former is involved with the latter through the Anglo-Persian Oil Company. Moreover, Britain was still interested with the Shatt al-Arab issue. This was because it could provide the British complete access to the refineries located in Abadan. On August 11, 1929, the Iranian and Iraqi governments had interchanged several notes. This exchange gave way to the establishment of a temporary arrangement to manage the relations between the two states involved. The arrangement included settlements on trade and navigation. However, the negotiations failed because Iraq and Britain refused to recognize the jurisdiction of Iran on the half of the river (Hunseler, 1984). When Britain decided to remove its authority on Iraq and break away from their alliance in 1930, it imposed the right of the British navy to pass through the Shatt al-Arab anytime, regardless if it was wartime or peacetime (Hunseler, 1984). However, Iran had no intention in being involved in a peaceful settlement. The Iranian government also declined to accept the legitimacy of the border. On March 25, 1924, Iran announced its non-acceptance of determination of the boundary as stated in the Constantinople Protocol. The Iranian government also refused to recognize similar settlements created on September 20 and December 2 in 1931. The situation worsened when Iran sent four gunboats to pass through Shatt al-Arab and proceed until Muhammarah. Due to this incident, problems regarding the pilot and the flags of the ships were added to the already intense conflict (Hunseler, 1984). The boundary issue as well as the flag and pilot inquiries which remained unanswered increased the tension surrounding the conflict (Hunseler, 1984). On November 29, 1934, the Iranian government was forced to seek assistance from the League of Nations in an effort to address the problem. Unfortunately, the League of Nations and the representatives it sent failed to bring any positive change in the current situation. The only thing which provided temporary resolution to the problem was the Middle East pact of 1935, which Iran had introduced with the help of Turkey. The pact presented an opportunity wherein all points of disagreement could be settled. On July 4, 1937, a treaty on the Iranian-Iraqi border was agreed upon in Tehran. The treaty upheld the conditions indicated in the 1913/14 Protocols of Constantinople. According to the treaty, the Iran-Iraq border would remain along the east bank of the Shatt al-Arab. There were specific considerations made for Abadan and Muhammarah. Iran was also awarded an anchorage zone in Abadan which was four miles long. In addition, the treaty rendered the river as open territory, as it allowed access to naval ships of Iran and Iraq and traders of all countries. A transit fee was imposed, but this would be utilized for purposes of maintenance as well as the development of the shipping lanes in the river. In another decision, both sides agreed to accept the protocol within two years after the agreement had been reached (Hunseler, 1984). The adoption of the covenant was not implemented (Hunseler, 1984). On December 8, 1938, the commission in charge of the Iranian-Iraqi boundary started working on the confluence of the Shatt al-Arab and the Khayeen. The efforts of the commission were stalled by opposing translations of the treaty and the definite determination of the border. The Iranian government submitted suggestions regarding the balance of power between Iran and Iraq with regards to supervising and safeguarding the Shatt al-Arab shipping lanes. Meanwhile, the Iraqi administration saw this move as a threat to the sovereignty of the Iraqis on the river (Hunseler, 1984). In the 1950s, Iran and Iraq had another opportunity to resolve their issues regarding the Shatt al-Arab border (Hunseler, 1984). In 1955, both countries, along with Britain, Pakistan and Turkey agreed upon the Baghdad Pact (Karsh, 2002). This pact was initiated by the West and was established to strengthen defense and security in the region. In October 1957, King Faisal of Iraq paid a state visit to Iran (Hunseler, 1984). In this encounter, both nations reached an agreement regarding the Shatt al-Arab problem. Iran and Iraq agreed on two points. First, there will be a commission to be based in Baghdad which is assigned to work out the details of the joint supervision of the Shatt al-Arab. Second, a Swedish adjudicator will be in charge of delineating the border; this arbitrator is to be situated in Tehran and must work with the joint commission. Once again, an agreement between Iran and Iraq was hindered by yet another occurrence. On July 14, 1958, a revolution broke out in Baghdad (Hunseler, 1984). The change in Iraqi governance eventually disrupted the recently resumed development of Iranian-Iraqi ties (Hunseler, 1984). Also, the political change once again awakened the border conflict on the Shatt al-Arab and the land borders. Four short months after General Abd al-Karim took control, the revolutionary administration of Iraq declared that they would extend their claim on the river to 12 miles. On November 28, 1959, Iranian Shah Reza Pahlevi revived their request to have the border line of the river drawn along the middle. He justified his demand on grounds of Iraq’s clear violation of the 1937 treaty. He also argued that because they were already in the 20th Century, a river which served as a boundary such as Shatt al’Arab cannot be attached to the absolute sovereignty of either nation. General Qasim addressed the demand of the shah with another demand. Iraq sought to regain the anchorage zone awarded to Iran in the 1937 treaty. Despite their counter demand, Qasim still wanted to resolve the dispute through peaceful means. Iraq was willing to withdraw their claim of the anchorage zone if Iran would acknowledge the Iraq’s demands on the river and the treaty of 1937. The peaceful settlement was not reached. On December 10, 1959, Abbas Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Aram declined Iraq’s offer. Nine days later, General Qasim reasserted Iraq’s legal right to the anchorage zone without insisting on its return. He also appealed for Iran to value the early treaties. General Qasim suggested that they could address the problem with the help of the United Nations. However, Iran provoked Iraq again when the local newspaper Ettelaat stated that â€Å"the existence of Iraq was in any event a historical misunderstanding and the whole of Iraq a Persian province† (as cited in Hunseler, 1984, p. 17). An armed struggle between Iran and Iraq was quelled before the further tension could develop. On March 5, 1959, Iran became involved with the United States in a defense settlement (Hunseler, 1984). Soon after, Iran felt coerced by Russia. Iran had reasons to be concerned. It was threatened by Soviet influence and the possible circulation of further revolutionary ideals. Meanwhile, Iraq was also concerned with the threat of the United Arab Republic, a state established in 1958 as a result of the merger between Syria and Egypt. Abd al-Karim Qasim was frightened that Syria might provide assistance to Iraqi Nasserites if and when a war with Iran occurs. Hence, there was no real war between both parties at that time. The tension manifested itself through a media war between Iran and Iraq (Hunseler, 1984). In 1967, Britain declared its wishes to pull out from the Gulf area. Prime Minister Harold Wilson expressed the desire of the British administration to remove its military troops located ‘east of Suez’ (as cited in Hunseler, 1984, p. 17). With this announcement, Iran wanted to replace British forces with their own troops on the moment of the latter’s departure (Hunseler, 1984). The 1967 blockage of the Suez Canal was a welcome development, as it prevented Soviet activity in the Gulf region. In terms of security concerns, Iran wanted to unify and lead the Arab countries in the region. The supposed partnership had the goal of preventing the spread of Soviet control and power of revolutionary nations and factions, such as South Yemen and Iraq. The Arab countries in the Gulf were cautious in dealing with Iran. While they were hesitant to collaborate with Iran which was associated with Israel, they did not want to create a rift among the states (Hunseler, 1984). Iran continued to strongly pursue its ambition of becoming an unshakeable force in the Gulf region (Hunseler, 1984). In 1969, it condemned the 1937 treaty. The shah knew that if Iran wanted to govern and manipulate the shipping lanes in the Gulf, it must have exclusive control of the river. This move would also liberate the Iranian ports on Abadan and Khorramshahr from Iraqi jurisdiction. On one instance, an Iranian vessel sailed despite the absence of an Iraqi pilot. It departed from the Khorramshahr port with the assistance of Iranian patrol vessels and successfully arrived at the Persian-Arab Gulf. Iraq was aware of the violation, but it did not wage a war against Iran due to the weakness of the military (Hunseler, 1984). After 1972, the shah became more determined to cripple Iraq. After the completion of the Iraqi-Soviet friendship treaty, the Shah approached American President Richard Nixon to ask for assistance in the Kurdish cause in Iraq (Hunseler, 1984). This action was done with the objective of weakening the Iraqi army through an attack on its internal disputes. In August 1972, another uprising emerged in Kurdistan. The Iraqi administration and Kurdish chief Mullah Mustafa Barzani met in March 1970 and agreed on the autonomy of Kurdistan beginning in 1974. However, the agreement was threatened by the support of Iran and the United States for Barzani. Because of this, the Kurdish insurgents continued to hold on to their weapons and proceed with the civil war. Meanwhile, the Iraqi forces benefited from the Iraqi-Soviet friendship treaty, for it allowed for a steady supply of ammunition from Russia. The weapons were instrumental in guaranteeing the military success of Iraq. Nevertheless, the malfunctioning of the army’s weapons and the failure of the Soviet Union to provide more ammunition endangered the progress Iraq had in its fight against the Kurds. In the early part of March 1975, the Iraqi government was prompted to consider Iran’s proposition that it would refrain from supporting the Kurds if the former would approve the latter’s suggestion to resolve the border issue by placing the border line along the thalweg (Hunseler, 1984). On June 13, 1975, Iran and Iraq agreed on yet another treaty in Baghdad (Hunseler, 1984). The treaty consisted of four crucial agreements. First, the boundaries will be definitely marked based on the Constantinople Protocol of 1913 and the 1914 proposal created by the committee regarding the establishment of the boundary. Second, the river boundaries would be situated in the middle, or the thalweg. According to Willet (2004), the thalweg was the â€Å"central deepest part of the river† (p. 7). Third, there are two things to be rebuilt: the mutual trust between both nations as well as the security of the land boundaries they shared. Also, the invasion on both sides will be stopped. Lastly, the problem will be settled upon with the acknowledgement of the aforementioned points. When Iraq signed the treaty, the country accepted the thalweg agreement for the first time. After five years, it became evident that the said recognition was merely the result of coercion from Iran’s side. The acceptance of Iraq was also caused by the failure of the Soviet Union to provide weapons. Nonetheless, the compromise made regarding the Shatt al-Arab paved the way for the Kurdish civil war to stop. Meanwhile, the relevance of the river in terms of Iranian strategy was relatively reduced. This was because Iran transferred its navy from Khorramshahr to the Bandar Abbas port in August 1978 (Hunseler, 1984). The Iran-Iraq War from a Political Perspective The dispute over the borders and boundaries of the river of Shatt al-Arab was instrumental in the emergence of the war between Iran and Iraq in 1980. While the territorial conflicts played a crucial role in causing the war, the political conditions in both countries must also be considered as initiators. The transition in the governments helped influence the leaders on how to deal with the Shatt al-Arab issue. In Iran, there was a dramatic shift in leadership as the Shah was removed from power through a revolution led by a radical Muslim. In Iraq, several coups have altered governance while the rise of the Ba’ath Socialist Party to power resulted in the domination of Saddam Hussein. Both countries longed to dominate the other and emerge as the most powerful in the region (Jacoby, 2008). The Iranian-Iraqi situation under the Rule of the Shah In the 1970s, the tension between Iran and Iraq was heightened (Karsh, 2002). This was because of the Shah of Iran, Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, became aggressive and tried to present Iran as the dominant force in the Persian Gulf. The Shah had been governing the Iran for decades. However, he was temporarily overthrown from power. In 1953, the head of the Iranian Parliament started a coup to remove the Shah (Willett, 2004). The coup succeeded and Pahlavi vacated the Iranian leadership for a brief time. However, the United States